Global Focus

‘The Power Behind The Throne’

Bilal Kureshi, Pakistan, Thursday 29 May 2008

Pakistan has been in a state of instability ever since it was created. A strange mixture of dictatorship and democracy is being witnessed throughout its history.

In Pakistan there has always been an ‘elite group’ of individuals who dictate foreign and internal policies, create defence budget and control intelligencia. This elite group which takes all the key decisions is referred generally as the ‘Establishment’.

In addition to shaping overall policies, this establishment is also considered to be responsible for creating political parties and alliances. ‘Strong’ judiciary and, at times, media also serve the interests of this elite group.

In a book ‘idea of Pakistan’ written by Stephen P. Cohen, Cohen describes this establishment as a "moderate oligarchy". He defines it as an informal political system that ties together the military, civil service, key members of judiciary, and other elites.

Unlike Russia and the US, Pakistan’s oligarchy has its own dynamics and does not include heads of multi-national corporations or imperialists giants, but it is the ‘knights’ in the khaki uniforms who dominate this group. A brief study of past events of Pakistan’s history will help us to understand how this military-bureaucracy consolidates power.

The roots of this military oligarchy can be traced back to the 1950s.

1958-1971

It started with almost a decade long rule of Field Marshal Ayub Khan when he took power in 1958. It was then when the regime established its ‘strong’ links with the United States primarily aimed at containing the influence of the communist block. And this in return led to major economic aid from the U.S but the consequences were the same as they are today, increased inequality in the distribution of wealth and of no benefit to the ordinary citizens. The power resided in few hands. No one was in a position to protest the massive military crackdown in the troubled Balochistan area and against the unrest in eastern part which became apparent as well. The rules of the game were simple, no one was allowed to play ‘foul’.

An interesting incident took place, when the first speaker of assembly, Moulvi Tammizudin challenged the dismissal of the first constituent assembly by Ayub. Tammizudin had to take a rickshaw, wear a burka and go through Sindh Court backdoor to seek justice. Obviously this was dismissed by the Federal Court.

When the Ayub Regime fell apart as a result of uprising spurred by political repression of its citizen, Gen. Yahya khan took over the head of another martial law regime. Then came 1971, when the eastern part of Pakistan was ripped off.
The script writers were still the ‘knights’. The power obsessed rulers were willing to retain their power even at the expense of its citizen’s blood and resources. The refusal of the establishment to honour the verdict of the elections in 1970 resulted in the operation searchlight. Bangladeshi authorities claim that 3 million people were killed during this military operation by Pakistan Army. Whereas the independent sources claim that the figures for the lost lives vary between 200,000 to 3,000,000. The aftermaths of such a tragic event resulted in huge defeat of Pakistani army and 93,000 troops were held as war prisoners by India, who intervened to help Bangladesh.

1971-1977

In late 1971 after Gen. Yahya resigned, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto became the sole heir with unshared authority of the country when he occupied the post of President, Army commander in chief, as well as the first civilian chief martial law administrator.

During his time he nationalised major industries. He established an atomic power development programme and inaugurated the first Pakistani atomic reactor. Once in office, he made all the right noises about the inordinate power enjoyed by the military and the bureaucracy, but went no further than effecting a few cosmetic changes in the structure of these institutions. When the opposition parties became vocal against Bhutto and his unpopularity grew, Bhutto, like others before him, used state power against his opponents. He banned the National Awami Party and journalists were also targeted. These tactics have always being used by the powerful men of establishment to keep their supremacy alive.

After a short while, Bhutto steadily started losing his grip on the powerful military- bureaucracy. A new player emerged in the complicated ‘power’ game, this time with visible support from a foreign power. Gen. Zia ul Haq ousted Bhutto’s government and imposed martial law in 1977.

1977-1988

Again the power was dominated by the new players of the old game. A foreign power had global interests in the region, and the love affair with the establishment was essential to achieve such aims. Russians involvement in Afghanistan rang bells to many influential ears and in a short while Pakistan was a strategic partner to the United States. Pakistani regime was fully supported by the United States militarily and financially for taking on the Russians in Afghanistan for the time being. It was during Gen. Zia’s tenure when the doctrine of necessity was innovated. The name of the Islam was used by the ruler to justify his actions. Twisted tiny bits of Islam were also introduced to neutralize the growing demand of Islam’s implementation as Zia promised while grabbing power.

During this era, some political parties were also given birth by the establishment to strengthen its own arms and to cater the influence of Pakistan’s Peoples Party in Sindh. For instance MQM which is a party being created by the ISI as disclosed by former Chief Minister Ghous Ali Shah.

Another alliance by the name of IJI (Islami Jumhoriye Itihad) was also given birth to confront the rising popularity of PPP. This is being confessed by Gen. (ret) Hamid Gul himself.

Gen. Zia’s reign ended with his death in 1988, as a result of a mysterious crash of airplane.

1988-1999

Though civilian governments occupied the Premiership slot in this era but still it was the military oligarchy dictating the terms.

In 1988, Benazir Bhutto was sworn in as Pakistan’s Prime Minister in the elections held after the death of Gen. Zia. Still the actual power was enjoyed by the military and Benazir knew about it very well. This is why after becoming Prime Minister, she tried to take charge of Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) by replacing its chief Lt. Gen. Hameed Gul with a retired civilian officer close to her father.

Ethnic riots rocked Karachi and corruption, custodial deaths, extrajudicial killing was on a high as disclosed by Amnesty International. In 1990, Benazir’s government was dismissed on charges of corruption and deteriorating law and order.

Nawaz Sharif became Prime Minister in 1990. Sharif was elected as the Leader of Pakistan Muslim League and IJI by the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) as documented by the testimony of the then Army Chief in Supreme Court of Pakistan.

But the romance with establishment lasted not for so long. Shairf and President Ishaq Khan under pressure from the armed forces both resigned from their office in 1993.

Later the duo, Benazir and Sharif enjoyed yet an other term as Prime Ministers but none completed the 5 years tenure. Military bureaucracy was too powerful for them.

1999 – 2008


The Armed forces were unhappy with Nawaz Sharif for having dismissed their former Chief of Army Staff Gen. Jehangir Karamut. Gen. Jehangir was of the point of view that a National Security Council should be formed to take care of the security issues and Nawaz Sharif was strongly opposed of this idea.

Lt Gen. Musharraf was promoted over other senior officers on account of his obedience, and took over the command of Army as its Chief.
In October 1999, Gen. Musharraf seized power and became the Head of government of Pakistan following a bloodless coup d’état.
America, as discussed above, was quite successful in penetrating among military officers through CIA.


Musharraf lost some ground after resigning as Chief of Army Staff, but still he is the Supreme Chief and holds the right to make appointments at top military offices.

Conclusion

Quite simply, it is not the corruption and misdeeds of the civil politicians elected to high state offices that are the primary factors which lead to the direct military interventions and marshal rule.

Both Military & Civilian rulers of Pakistan have failed its citizen and let the nation drift from one crisis to another.

It is about time to look back at our history and eradicate the roots of the failed ruling system.